About IPPNW
Peace As Preventive Medicine
The Satya Interview with Dr. Victor Sidel
The following interview with former IPPNW Co-President
and PSR (US) Co-Founder Victor W. Sidel, MD was published
in the March 2003 issue of Satya,
a monthly publication focusing on vegetarianism, environmentalism,
animal advocacy, and social justice. We reprint the interview
here with the permission of the publishers.
Dr. Victor Sidel is a New York-based physician
who co-founded Physicians for Social Responsibility (PSR)
in 1961. He is also a former co-president of International
Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW).
At the height of the Cold War, with the
world poised on the brink of nuclear war, a small group of
Soviet and American doctors decided to establish a federation‹IPPNW.
They reasoned that their common interest in survival was more
powerful than the political or ideological divides between
them; and believed that their obligation as physicians included
a common commitment to the prevention of nuclear war.
IPPNW hit the map over a decade ago by
sounding the alarm from the healthcare community on the potential
health and environmental devastation that would result from
the use of nuclear weapons. Drawing upon data from the effects
of the bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, combined with
medical knowledge of burn, blast, and radiation injuries,
IPPNW concluded that nuclear war "would be the final epidemic;
that there would be no cure and no meaningful medical response."
This chilled the hearts of millions, causing policy-makers
to sit up and take notice. For its work in raising awareness,
IPPNW, along with its affiliates around the world, including
PSR in the U.S., was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1985.
IPPNW continues to raise awareness on the
health effects of war. Dr. Sidel served as an advisor for
"Collateral Damage: the Health and Environmental Costs of
War on Iraq," an eye-opening report released in December by
Medact, the IPPNW UK affiliate. The report analyzes the existent
evidence on the aftereffects of the Gulf War, and, based on
this, predicts that between 28,000 and 260,000 Iraqis will
die in the first three months of a war.
Dr. Sidel took a moment from his busy schedule
to talk with Catherine Clyne about IPPNW and the real threat
that nuclear weapons pose with the U.S. on the brink of war.
For those of our readers who have never
heard of IPPNW, how would you describe it? The International
Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War was founded at
a point when a number of groups of physicians and other health
workers around the world were working on the prevention of
nuclear war. In 1980, two cardiologists, Dr. Bernard Lown
in the U.S., and Dr. Evgueni Chazov in the Soviet Union, gathered
together groups of people‹largely physicians‹to form an international
federation called IPPNW.
At the moment, IPPNW has one affiliate
group in each of 58 different countries. In the U.S. the group
is Physicians for Social Responsibility, which has been a
key affiliate of IPPNW since its founding.
Over the past year, with the threat of
war being made in Iraq, IPPNW and all of its affiliates have
taken a very strong position against the war. They have placed
advertisements, written letters. The IPPNW affiliate in the
UK has remonstrated with Prime Minister Blair with regard
to his support of the U.S. In France and Germany, where there
are very strong IPPNW affiliates, they have supported the
government; the Canadian affiliate‹again, very strong‹has
urged the government not to support the U.S., and that appears
to have had some effect; and so on around the world.
Why physicians specifically?
Why should the prevention of war be of particular importance
to physicians?
The reasoning was that it is physicians
and other health workers who will have to treat casualties
if a nuclear attack occurs, they would have some weight on
the topic. Indeed, it was particularly because physicians
were taking that position, that the work of IPPNW and its
affiliates was recognized by the Nobel Prize Committee in
1985.
How did this movement
evolve?
The first project started by PSR in 1961
was an analysis of the medical consequences of a thermonuclear
bomb dropped on a city. Nuclear bombs, of course, had already
been dropped in 1945 on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, but those
were relatively small. During the 1950s, first the U.S. and
then the Soviet Union developed hydrogen bombs‹thermonuclear
bombs‹which have a potential yield one thousand-fold greater
than the bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
One thousand times
greater?
Yes. To be precise, the bombs dropped on
Hiroshima and Nagasaki were on the order of 15 kilotons‹15,000
tons‹of TNT equivalent. The bombs that were made during the
1950s were one thousand-fold, which means they were not in
the kiloton range, but in the megaton range in terms of TNT
equivalent.
So, from what was available in the open
literature, a group of physicians in Boston analyzed the consequences
if one of those new bombs was used: in terms of blast‹the
explosive force; in terms of heat‹the production of fires;
and, of course, the radiation. After doing this extensive
analysis, a series of articles were published in the New England
Journal of Medicine (one of the premiere medical journals
in the U.S.) in 1962. We said that there was virtually nothing
that medical professionals could do after the fact; and therefore
that medical physicians and professionals had a responsibility
to work for the prevention of nuclear war. And the then-editor
of the NEJM wrote an editorial supporting what we were saying.
That was the beginning of PSR, which eventually led to the
formation of the international umbrella group‹IPPNW.
As a physician who
has dedicated his life to stopping war and the potential use
of nuclear weapons, what's going through your mind right now‹since
we're so close to going to war?
Several concerns, obviously, are going
through my mind. The first, covered in "Collateral Damage,"
is the way in which the Iraqi people have suffered in terms
of health, since 1991; and what would happen if there were
another attack now on those weakened people. The other concern
is that nuclear weapons might be used. This stems from a couple
of things: one is that the U.S. government has talked about
the development of "bunker buster" bombs‹modifying nuclear
weapons into what are technically called "earth penetrating
weapons." The idea that the U.S. is ready to use such a nuclear
bomb strongly weakens the prohibition against the use of nuclear
weapons that has been followed since 1945.
In "Collateral Damage,"
some of the predictions have very wide ranges. How useful
are such numbers if we don't even have accurate information
on the actual body counts from the Gulf War?
I think that's a very good question. Similar
reports, published by the United Nations and a couple of groups
that have recently gone to Iraq, have refrained from giving
estimates of the number of casualties that would occur in
an attack on Iraq. I think that "Collateral Damage" put in
those estimates to give some idea of the magnitude that could
occur. And you're right‹the report clearly says that there's
no way of knowing what the nature of the attack will be, or
even whether the attack will occur, but that if it does, here
is a wide range of estimates of how bad it could be.
There have been some newspaper reports,
from leaks and whatever from the U.S. government, about the
use of bombs to produce "shock" and "awe," which suggests
a truly massive initial attack‹indeed‹in order to try to shock
the Iraqi military forces and the Iraqi people into offering
no resistance.
What have we learned
from Hiroshima and Nagasaki about the consequences of urban
bombing? And what does that tell us about a possible invasion
of Baghdad?
Actually, the issue of urban bombing really
began in earnest in 1937 with the German bombing of the Spanish
city of Guernica. That was of course memorialized in the incredible
painting by Pablo Picasso. As an aside: a tapestry of that
painting was donated by Nelson Rockefeller to the UN and is
on the wall outside the Security Council chamber. It was covered
over during the Colin Powell report to the Security Council
on February 5th.
Just during the report?
It was covered just before the report,
and now has been uncovered again. The UN sources say they
did that because the television cameras needed a clear background,
but of course many of us suspect that it was not permitted
to be seen because it indicated what the nature of a bombing
of civilian targets would produce.
Anyway, the point is, the bombing of Guernica
was a clear attempt to intimidate; the bombers by passed potential
military targets in order to bomb the city where civilians
lived. That led to a whole series of attacks on civilians
during the war‹first by the Germans on Warsaw, Rotterdam,
London, Coventry, and other cities; and then a response by
the Allies with bombings of Dresden, Hamburg and other German
cities. Fire-bombings of cities in Japan were conducted on
Tokyo and Osaka. Hiroshima and Nagasaki were spared because
it is alleged the U.S. wanted to leave them as test sites
for the nuclear bombs. But it does not require a nuclear bomb
to produce that kind of devastation.
How different is
the explosion of one nuclear bomb in comparison to "conventional"
fire bombing?
The deaths in Hiroshima and Nagasaki were
on the order of 100,000 people in each city‹both immediate
deaths and deaths within the next few weeks. Bombing raids
of a number of different cities in WWII produced death tolls
of about 100,000 people or more, but that was produced by
wave upon wave of continued bombing over the space of several
days or weeks. You can produce equivalent damage using so-called
conventional weapons (not nuclear), it just takes a little
longer.
In the eighties,
the anti-nuclear movement was very prominent. It seems momentum
has died down since. How real do you think is the possibility
of the use of nukes now as opposed to then?
In the 1980s with Ronald Reagan in the
White House, the concern was the use of nuclear weapons by
the U.S.‹there was also some potential threat of use by other
countries, although I don't think anybody really believed
that was going to happen. On the other hand, the U.S. was
brandishing its nuclear weapons. That seemed to end or at
least die down with the disappearance of Mr. Reagan from the
White House. And then it resurfaced at the end of the Clinton
administration, when the U.S. nuclear posture review confirmed
that the U.S. would use nuclear weapons in response to other
"weapons of mass destruction." And now with Mr. Bush in the
White House, the threat has been magnified. That has reawakened,
reenergized the anti-nuclear war people throughout the world,
including those affiliated with IPPNW.
When Americans are
trying to figure out for themselves whether or not they feel
we should attack Iraq, what do you think are the most important
things they should know? And are they being represented sufficiently
by our media?
I'll answer the last part first. I think
they're insufficiently represented by the media. Of course,
there's been a bit of a change, following the rallies around
the world on February 15th‹the press has indeed taken note
of that. But in general, the press has incompletely reported
on the vehemence of the feelings of people around the world
against an attack on Iraq. I think the reasons for that are
multiple. One is, as "Collateral Damage" and other reports
indicate, the civilian casualties that will occur from such
an attack. But in some ways even more important are two long-term
consequences. One, is the result of an attack may increase
the danger to the U.S. and other countries of what has been
called terrorism; and second, is the way it isolates the U.S.
from other countries in the world, and weakens the UN in the
process.
Aside from Iraq,
what do you feel are the most dangerous scenarios or areas
in the world for the potential use of nuclear weapons?
As we've said, one area of terrible danger
is the U.S., which obviously has the world's largest nuclear
arsenal and may be tempted to use them in one way or another
in the event of a war. Another is the increasing proliferation
of these weapons to countries around the world. It used to
be a rather small "nuclear club," but the number of countries
that have been added to it has increased, including Israel,
and Pakistan and India, and now possibly North Korea, which
may have one or two nuclear weapons, and possibly other nations.
The danger of nuclear war has existed since 1945, but we're
reaching the point where the danger may be considerably greater.
In the face of all
this, what gives you hope?
The fact that literally millions of people
came out to demonstrate on February 15th provides some hope.
But on the other hand, against that is the 250,000-plus troops
that the U.S. has sent to the borders of Iraq. And the question
is how those can be pulled back without the loss of face by
Mr. Bush. At the moment I think that represents the most important
danger‹that is, once the troops are there, even though virtually
the entire world is against it, he may be forced to use them
because they're there.
© Copyright 2003. Satya
magazine. All rights reserved. Reprinted with
permission.
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